Political Review https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev <p>Immediately after the establishment of the Institute for Political Studies in Belgrade, in January 1968, the edition of "Political Notebook" was launched, with the aim of affirming political theory and practice in the society of that time. The tradition of this journal continued in the mid-nineties of the last century, when the journal was renewed in the form of an annual, in which scientific papers were published, i.e. results of research work on projects of the Institute for Political Studies. Finally, in 2002, the Institute again launched a new series of political notebooks, this time under the name "Political Review", with the intention of regularly presenting knowledge from the fields of political science, political sociology and anthropology , recent political history, communication studies, as well as applied public opinion research - practically from all those areas that establish political science at the beginning of the 21st century, to our professional, academic, and general public.</p> <p>The journal is published four times a year.</p> Institut za političke studije, Beograd sr-RS@latin Political Review 1451-4281 THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENT JUDICIARY IN SERBIA https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/54798 <p style="text-align: justify;">The citizens of the Republic of Serbia confirmed the constitutional amendments concerning the judiciary in a referendum held in January 2022. This constitutional change is part of a long-term struggle for an independent and professional judiciary in Serbia. The paper focuses on the procedure and conditions for the election of judges and the termination of judicial office. This research study incorporates several aspects of the de jure judicial independence initially developed by Melton and Ginsburg, later expanded upon in the Serbian context by Simović. The article employed a qualitative content analysis methodology of a wide array of credible data sources such as various constitutional and legal acts, academic publications, opinions from the Venice Commission, input from professional associations, and a historical approach to examining the development of judicial independence in Serbia. A chronological analysis of the most significant constitutional provisions addressing these issues, covering the period from the late 19th century to the present, is provided. Since 2002 it was first introduced, the High Judicial Council, as an independent body of judicial self-government, has undergone significant changes in composition and competencies several times. Inasmuch as Serbia is a candidate for EU membership, the domestic and European public are interested in the judiciary becoming the veritable third branch of government, efficient and reliable. Hence, the expectations concerning the constitutional reform are high.&nbsp;</p> Đorđe D. Marković Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-12-06 2024-12-06 82 4 COUNCILS FOR INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS AS A MECHANISAM FOR BUILDING TRUST BETWEEN COMMUNITIES IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTICULTURALISM IN SERBIA https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/54697 <p style="text-align: justify;">The stablishment of good relations between the majority and ethnic minorities, in the context of multiculturalism, is a priority in multiethnic societies such as the Republic of Serbia. The effort to build a society that all citizens perceive as &ldquo;their own&rdquo; and achieve a high level of identification and sense of belonging with it is at the core of all democratic societies across the world. The concepts on which modern societies are based (multiculturalism, interculturalism, etc.) and the theories based on them strive to find the best answers for societies while understanding and appreciating the differences that characterize those societies. The inclusion of all citizens and groups in social, political, institutional, economic and other flows in society increases the chances for stable functioning of states and reduces the possibility of conflict base on exclusion and/or misunderstanding and insufficient communication between groups. The paper provides insights to the meaning of multiculturalism (and interculturalism), depicts the context of Serbia as a multiethnic society, gives a theoretical background for understanding complex societies, and analyzes the Councils for Inter-Ethnic Relations as one of the mechanisms of establishing multiculturalism in Serbia. The overall argument of this paper is that multiculturalism is, in principle, the determination of Serbian society. The theoretical framework for understanding the concept of multiculturalism (and interculturalism), as well as the situation in Serbia, is briefly presented. The central part of the work concentrates on the efforts to explain the functioning of Councils for Inter-Ethnic Relations, with recommendations for the improvement of their work. The Law on Local Self-Government stipulates that Councils for Inter-Ethnic Relations (the Councils) should be established in those local self-governments that meet the legal requirements, that is, in ethnically mixed municipalities and cities. Practice and international reports, as well as data from the Special Report of Ombudsman on Council for Inter-Ethnic Relations, clearly indicate necessity to further promote establishment and efficient functioning of these bodies at the local level in all municipalities and cities with ethnically mixed population. The aim of this analysis was to assess the functionality of Councils and their role in local self-governments that have legal obligation to establish this body. In previous years, the Law on Local-Self Government was amended and supplemented in those articles related to the establishment and functioning of Councils. Those changes took, to some degree, recommendations from the previously mentioned Special Report of Ombudsman published in 2017.&nbsp; Councils have not yet become bodies that would fully contribute to the realization, protection and promotion of national equality and inter-ethnic dialogue at the local level. The Analysis of the Council&rsquo;s work indicated that they rarely participate in proposing or giving opinions to self-governments decisions aimed at achieving national equality or enhancing integration and tolerance. Councils often remain bodies that do not fulfil their defined role in full capacity. Future legal changes should aim at a more accurate definition of the scope of the Council&rsquo;s work.</p> Danijela Nenadić Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-12-06 2024-12-06 82 4 10.5937/pr82-54697 THE RANGE OF SOFT POWER OF THE REPUBLIC OF SERBIA IN THE POST-YUGOSLAV AREA https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/54282 <p style="text-align: justify;">The states created after the breakup of Yugoslavia, in modern circumstances, continue to cooperate in various socio-political areas, although their mutual relations are largely shaped by a rich history and burdened by events from the end of the 20th century, which often represent an obstacle in fulfilling the full potential of cooperation and mutual influence. Regardless of the obstacles that objectively exist, it is necessary to take into account the similarities between the people of states that emerged from Yugoslavia, which significantly affect the manifestation of soft power. The research is theoretically based on Joseph Nye&rsquo;s concept of soft power. In the methodological sense, the research is based on the scientific method of interview. During the research process, methods of content and discourse analysis, historical methods, as well as induction and deduction methods were used. The basic research question that the authors strive to answer is: What is the perception of the soft power of the Republic of Serbia in the post-Yugoslav area? The paper offers the answer to the question What are the basic obstacles and the most prominent potentials of the soft power of the Republic of Serbia in the post-Yugoslav space? The research results indicate that the countries of the post-Yugoslav area are to a high extent susceptible to the soft power influence of Serbia, which is facilitated by the factors of mutual historical, cultural, and linguistic interconnectedness. However, the findings of the research show that in addition to the factors of mutual connection, which facilitate the influence of the soft power of the Republic of Serbia, other factors tend to weaken the possibility of the influence of Serbia&rsquo;s soft power. The scope of Serbia&rsquo;s soft power in the post-Yugoslav countries is most visible in the sphere of culture, music, films, TV series, and contemporary literature. In addition, Serbia's potential is reflected in its capacity to initiate social, political, and cultural regional initiatives, as well as reconciliation initiatives. The results indicate that Serbia is seen as a regional factor that can influence the expansion of soft power in the post-Yugoslav sphere through economic activity. The biggest obstacles to projecting Serbia&rsquo;s soft power relate to the war legacy from the end of the last century, opposing narratives about controversial historical events, unresolved bilateral disputes, but also prejudices associated with the negative image of Serbia at the time of the breakup of Yugoslavia.</p> Marina Todorović Danica Lazović Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-10-25 2024-10-25 82 4 10.5937/pr82-54282 ARE EUROPEAN VOTERS MOTIVATED? THE CASE OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT ELECTIONS IN THE REPUBLIC OF SLOVENIA IN 2024 https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/52509 <p style="text-align: justify;">The elections for the European Parliament in the Republic of Slovenia on June 9, 2024 are part of a broader electoral process in which nine Slovenian deputies are elected to the European Parliament for the next mandate period 2024-2029. years. The aim of this paper is to describe and explain in basic terms the overall Slovenian and European context of the elections, the special characteristics of the Slovenian political scene, and the results of these elections. On this occasion, the traditional ideological division of Slovenian society on the right-center-left line came to the fore in the middle of the mandate of the left-center government of Robert Golob in the electoral system that favors large national parties (proportional system with one electoral unit without census, preferential voting), traditionally low turnout in European elections in Slovenia. Consultative referendums held in parallel on changing the electoral system (introduction of preferential voting), on laws on the cultivation and processing of hemp for medical purposes, laws that allow the use of marijuana and medical euthanasia also reflected some of the Government's priorities, the right-wing opposition's response, and finally the citizens' decisions.&nbsp;</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">&nbsp;</p> Petar Matić Marko Mijatović Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-11-26 2024-11-26 82 4 10.5937/pr82-52509 NEW PACT ON MIGRATION AND ASYLUM OF THE EUROPEAN UNION https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/54423 <p style="text-align: justify;">This paper analyses the latest normative solutions of the European Union in the areas of migration and asylum. The most important activities of the European Union in these areas, which previously influenced the adoption of new normative acts with the aim of ensuring the safety and well-being of people seeking international protection and a better life, are presented. In this sense, a detailed overview of all the regulations adopted by the European Union, which compose the new Pact on Migration and Asylum, is given. The analysis also includes a special review of new normative solutions, as well as a comparative view with the previous versions of the European Union regulations in these areas. The focus of the paper is on the analysis of the reform of the entire European framework for managing asylum and migration in order to establish safer external borders, faster and more efficient procedures for asylum, as well as a more fair and efficient system of solidarity and responsibility.</p> Милутин Трнавац Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-11-26 2024-11-26 82 4 10.5937/pr82-54423 PLACE AND PURPOSE OF THE POLICE INSTITUTION IN THE GLOBALIST SYSTEM OF DEREGULATION https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/53908 <p style="text-align: justify;">Based on its pre-modern roots, and apparently in its new century, modern meaning, the police represent the protection of the state, that is, a guarantee of its sovereignty. The modern organization of the state itself implies the existence of the police, which guarantees the constitutional order, that is, defends the existing system of social organization. Globalization implies, however, a narrowing of the autonomy of nation-states. Free flow of capital, goods, people, and services - requires de-sovereignation, i.e., reduction of decision-making power in national states. The question arises - does this change the role of the police, i.e., does the police still have the primary task of preserving the sovereignty of the state, or is it now directed towards the goal - the free flow of capital and the preservation of the world economic order (free market), which has a supranational character. This paper contributes to the understanding of the mentioned problem.</p> Stefan Anđelković Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-12-06 2024-12-06 82 4 10.5937/pr82-53908 THE COMMUNISM IN SERBIA IN THE AFTERMATH OF ITS FORMAL DOWNFALL (1990-2000) https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/51234 <p style="text-align: justify;">With this paper, the author&rsquo;s objective was to prove that communism existed in Serbian society even after its downfall from 1990 to 2000. The ruling Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS), derived from the Communist Party, aimed to preserve such a system even in new circumstances. Thus, as time went by when presumably the danger had passed, they founded the JUL in 1994. They openly advocated the previous value system, which existed during the one-party system, with no intention of turning Serbia into a democratic country and reforming different parts of society. If the changes in 2000 had not occurred, the SPS and related parties would still have kept Serbia in a kind of state of emergency, claiming that the opposition threatened Serbia&rsquo;s existence. The end goal was the infinite grasp on power in the name of the communist ideology, which they maintained even with the formal fall of communism in 1990.</p> vladica s todorovic Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-11-26 2024-11-26 82 4 10.5937/pr82-51234 SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF A SECONDARY NEWS: А CASE STUDY ON MEDIA REPORTING ON APPEARANCE OF A PANTHER ON BORDERS OF REPUBLIC OF SERBIA https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/54734 <p style="text-align: justify;">In November 2022 the media in Serbia reported that the black panther roams the forests of North Bačka. Based on John Langer's concept of "other news" and Kelsey's understanding of discursive mythologies, three media discourses on the appearance of the panther in Apatin were critically analyzed: 1. The panther as a metaphor of hostile otherness; 2. Panther as an imaginary friend and ally of ecological and other opposition; 3. Folklore on Panther as a narrative space of escape and a source of psychological comfort. The rich mythological potential of the panther, his power of transformation, hiding, disappearing, and reappearing enables the inclusion of discourses on various ambivalent meanings, among which hostile otherness and friendly affection and adoration stand out. In public discourse, the symbolic potential of Vojvodina gains importance as a place of wilderness and porous classification, as well as a space where seemingly incompatible otherness coexists. Placing these and another close phenomenon near the borders is related to the ambivalent nature of the panther. It is based on the representation of the border as an undefined space where fantastic encounters and mysterious otherness occur. The administrative alternation of the space where the panther appears and the proximity of the two administrative borders, Hungary and Croatia, will play a decisive role in enabling the panther to function as an internal, or in a radical form, hidden, dangerous, hostile otherness. In an apparently critical tone, the media reports that the news on the panther has ideologically divided the country into those who favor euthanasia and those whose concern for the panther's fate goes beyond ordinary existential concern. Understood as a part of an endangered world, marginal and wandering, displaced and exposed to risks caused by an inefficient state apparatus, the panther functions as a metaphor for the threat to Serbia's environment by the authorities as a source of ecological negligence. The panther, as a ferocious beast and as a good savage, cannot be deprived of its appeal, even when interest in its media potential wanes. As the protagonist of a newspaper story, he enables identification with heroes and saviors and further identification of the subject with his ordeals, sufferings, or triumphs. In this way, its use in the media is a universal tool for satisfying the fantasies of news consumers.</p> Sanja Lazarević Radak Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-12-05 2024-12-05 82 4 10.5937/pr82-54734 MOVEMENTS ENCOURAGED AND MOBILIZED “FROM ABOVE” – COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF STATE-SPONSORED MOVEMENTS IN RUSSIA AND SERBIA https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/54010 <p style="text-align: justify;">In this article, we analyze the concept, challenges, and reasons for the current unsuccessful implementation of the ruling party's project called "Movement for the People and the State." First mentioned and presented to the public in September 2022, the project &mdash; despite numerous speculations about the President leaving the Serbian Progressive Party and founding a movement that would evolve into a political party or public statements that the project represents a reconciliatory block between the ideologically polarized East and West of Serbia, which would potentially represent the backbone of the Serbian national interest without the involvement of foreign states &mdash; remained unrealized even though it was postponed to Vidovdan 2023, and then to September of the same year. The movement was not formed even at the beginning of 2024, leaving room for doubt about its realization. The article aims to examine the intention to create a state movement, which in the period of the modern Serbian multiparty system did not have practical application, but also to determine the causes of its stagnation despite sporadic announcements by state officials about its subsequent formalization. The concept of a state movement represents a novelty in the political landscape of Serbia and, as such, deserves the attention of the academic and broader public regarding the scope for the potential realization of such a project in the future.</p> Vanja Glišin Savo Simić Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-11-28 2024-11-28 82 4 10.5937/pr82-54010 QUALITATIVE CONTENT ANALYSIS OF PUBLIC STATEMENTS ABOUT THE “SERBIAN WORLD” CONCEPT: A CRITICAL REVIEW BY ITS OPPONENTS https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/54424 <p style="text-align: justify;">This article aims to present the outcomes of the research on the way how the &ldquo;Serbian world&rdquo; concept is perceived by its opponents. This represents a particularly significant approach for better understanding and an essential step closer to defining the concept within scientific frameworks, given that it was popularized more by its opponents than its propagators. The methodology used in this paper includes a qualitative content analysis of public statements by leading non-Serbian (Western and regional) social actors who openly criticized the &ldquo;Serbian world&rdquo; in their public appearances. Simultaneously, the analysis of the concept is limited to observing the way it is seen by its opponents, using their statements as examples of the discursive construction of reality. This methodological approach is significant to understanding the &ldquo;Serbian world&rdquo; concept because it is mainly a mental construct, and the focus will thus also be on how the leading opponents mentally shape the world around them, as well as on the process of conceptualization of reality. Based on the research carried out, the author concludes that the statements of the leading opponents of the &ldquo;Serbian world&rdquo; indicate that for them, there is only one dimension of the concept, namely the territorial. According to their statements, that component of the concept was taken from the already existing &ldquo;Russkiy mir&rdquo; concept, serves to implement the foreign policy interests of the Russian Federation in the Balkans, and is based on the greater-state aspirations of the Serbian political leadership and the unrealized &ldquo;Greater Serbia&rdquo; idea. Finally, given that the concept is relatively unexplored, the paper aims to present perspectives for further research on the phenomenon.</p> Aleksandar Ljubomirović Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-11-26 2024-11-26 82 4 ABOUT THE AIR TRANSPORT COMPANY FROM THE INTER-WAR PERIOD https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/55476 Dubravka Stajić Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-12-17 2024-12-17 82 4 10.5937/pr82-55476 WHEN THE BORDER BECOMES BLOODY... https://aseestant.ceon.rs/index.php/polrev/article/view/55464 Aleksandra Mirović Janković Copyright (c) 2024 Political Review 2024-12-16 2024-12-16 82 4 10.5937/pr82-55464