THE "FIGHT ОVER KOSOVO" THROUGH THE SOFT POWER OF INTERNATIONAL ACTORS AND SERBIA
Abstract
The abstraction of soft power is based on the idea or the ability to set political priorities in a way that shapes the desires of others, by connecting with invisible forms of power such as culture, ideology and institutions. Regional cooperation is part of the evaluation of the Western Balkans'countries on their way to integration into the EU and the regional economy. The aim of cooperation is harmonizing with the programs and policies of EU rapprochement through the "four freedoms"; trade, investment, mobility and digital integration require appropriate financial resources, regulations and institutions, in order to achieve fundamental political and economic changes.
Changes in this "capillary spread of power" are not visible until the very end, until the moment of complete conquest of power and power, both "soft" and classic. The implementation of these programs is carried out through various non-governmental organizations, organizations for the fight for democracy and the protection of human rights, which often act in sync with each other and are promoted in the media. Through this process, space is given to the realization of cultural hegemony through which Serbia can act with its "soft power" through the preservation of identity and religion as an element that strengthens and emphasizes the national identity of the Serbs in Kosovo. In the article, in the case study of Kosovo states that the international community, led by the USA, is shown that "soft power" is used by implementing its influence through the regional cooperation of the six Balkan countries. Under this accord, this is an opportunity for Serbia to use "soft power" to influence the maintenance of the identity of the Serbian people on Kosovo.
References
1. Andreychuk, R. (2018). Security in the Western Balkans. Report, Political Committe, Sub- committe on NATO Partnership (PCNP), 178 PCNP
2. Badiou, A. (2001). Manifest za filozofiju, Zagreb: Naklada Jesenski i Turk, 2001.
3. Badiou, A. (2006). Polemics, New York: Verso.
4. Badiou, A. (2012). The Rebirth of History – Times of Riots and Uprising, Verso, London, 2012.
5. Balkans Policy Research Group. (2021) Regional cooperation in the Western Balkans, Regional Economic Area, the “Mini-Schengen” and the Common Regional Market, January.
6. Balkans Group, Kosovo 2020: A Complex Agenda for the New Government, 17 December 2019, at https://balkansgroup.org/en/ kosovo-2020-a-complex-agenda-for-the-new-government-2, Преузето 2.6. 2022
7. Beck, U. (1999). Über den postnationalen Krieg. Blätter für deutsche und internationale Politik, 44 (8), 936-939.
8. Brzezinski, Z. (1970). Between Two Ages: America's Role in the Technetronic Era, New York: Viking Press.
9. Brzezinski, Z. (1999). Velika šahovska ploča, Varaždin: HUMS, Ireland
10. Bzezinski, Z. (2013). Strateška vizija, Beograd: Albatros Plus.
11. Бодрожић, Ђ. 2014. Религија и идентитет на Балкану, Политичка ревија 1 (39), 25–43.
12. Canetti, E. (1984). Masa i moć, Zagreb: Grafički zavod Hrvatske.
13. Crisis Group Europe. (2021). Relaunching the Kosovo-Serbia Dialogue, Report N°262, 25 January.
14. Ćirić J. (2014). Meka moć i globalno upravljanje svetom. Strani pravni život, 3, 89-107.
15. Delez, Ž. (1989). Fuko, Novi Sad: Izdavačka knjižarnica Zorana Stojanovića.
16. Deutsch, K. W. (1963). The Nerves of Government. Models of Political Communication and Control, London:The Free Press of Glencoe.
17. Derrida, J. (1988). Signature Event Context. Evanston: Northwestern University Press, Evanston,
18. Đurković, M. (2009). Slika, zvuk i moć – ogledi iz pop-politike, Beograd: MST Gajić Slika, Beograd.
19. Eagleton, T. (2014) Ideology, London: Routledge.
20. Hackaj, A and Hackaj, K. (2017). Monitoring the Berlin Process: From Paris to Trieste, Tirana: Botimet.
21. Holroyd, M, Sánche, S. (2019). Euronews, “Western Balkan leaders plot their own ‘mini-Schengen’ zone”, 11 November 2019, at https://www.euronews.com/2019/11/11/
western-balkan-leaders-plot-their-own-mini-schengen-zone. Преузето 2.6. 2022
22. Huntington, S. (2007). Tko smo mi?, Zagreb: Izvori.
23. Less, T. (2016). “Dysfunction in the Balkans”, Foreign Affairs, 20 December 2016, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/bosnia-herzegovina/2016-12-20/dysfunction-balkans. Преузето 12.5. 2022
24. Lukes S. (2005). Power: A Radical View, second edition. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
25. Marciacq, F. (2017). The EU and the Western Balkans after the Berlin Process¸ Sarajevo: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung.
26. Medvedev, S. (2000). Kosovo: a European fin de siècle. In: Peter van Ham and Sergei Medvedev (eds.) Mapping European security after Kosovo, Manchester and New York: Manchester University Press, 15-27.
27. (2023) The Role of the EU in Shaping Kosovo’s Political Future: A Critical Analysis, Cogent Social Sciences, 2023, 9:1, DOI: 10.1080/23311886.2023.2209983
28. Mujanovic J. (2017) “Is Feudal Ex-Yugoslavia Incapable of Reform?”, Balkan Insight, 21 February 2017, http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/is-feudal-ex-yugoslavia-incapable-of-reform--02-20- 2017. Преузето 19.5. 2022
29. Mitrović, M. (2016). Fenomenologija i dijalektika nacionalnog identiteta i srpskog identiteta Srbije“, Radmila Vasić i Milena Polojac (ur) Identitetski preobražaj Srbije, Beograd: Pravni fakultet, 47-76.
30. Mitrović M. (2017). Srpska nacionalna samosvest pred izazovima identitetskog preobražaja, u: Nina Kršljanin (ur.) Identitetski preobražaj Srbije, Beograd: Pravni fakultet, Beograd, 83-101.
31. Naj, Dž. (2006). Kako razumevati međunarodne sukobe, Beograd: Stubovi culture.
32. Nye, J. (1990). Soft Power. Foreign Policy, 80, Autumn, 153-171.
33. Pavlović, A. (2016). Svakodnevni život stanovnika severne Kosovkse Mitrovice, Univerzitet u Beogradu: Filozofski fakultet.
34. RCC. (2017) Multi-annual Action Plan for a Regional Economic Area in the Western Balkans Six, 12 July 2017, at https://www.rcc.int/docs/383/ multi-annual-action-plan-for-a-regional-economic-area-in-the-western-balkans-six. Преузето 19.5. 2022
35. Радушки, Н. (2018). „Језичка и религијска компонента националног станов-ништва Републике Србије“, у: Нада Радушки (ур). Национални идентитет и етнички односи, Београд: Институт за политичке студије, 37–59.
36. Stojanovic, M, Jeremic, I. (2020) Is the Kosovo-Serbia ‘Deal’ Worth the Paper It’s Written On?”, Balkan Insight, 10 September 2020, at https://balkaninsight.com/2020/09/10/birn-fact-check-is-the-kosovo-serbia-deal-worth-the-paper-its-written-on/ Преузето 19.7. 2022
37. Станковић Пејновић, В. (2014). Мека моћ владара „новог доба.“ Српска политичка мисао, 3 (45), 111-133.
38. Станковић Пејновић, В. (2018). Мултикултурални облик заштите спрске мањине у Хрватској – политички оквир гетоизације, у: Нада Радушки (ур). Национални идентитет и етнички односи, Београд: Институт за политичке студије, 59-81.
39. Станковић Пејновић, В. (2020). Пандемија страха као биомоћ система „глобалне управе“. Српска политичка мисао 3(69), 179-213.
40. Стошић, С. Живојиновић, М. (2022). Геоекономија Косова и Метохије у геополитичком обрасцу Сједињених Америчких Држава, Војно дело, 3/2022, 3 (76), 32-46.
41. Стошић, С., Пешић, М. (2019). „Сецесионистички дискурс Косова и Каталоније: сличности и разлике”, Политичка ревија, 4 (62) 175-222.
42. The Regional Cooperation Council, https://www.rcc.int/ Преузето 19.5. 2022
43. US Embassy & Consulates in Germany, “Statement on Western Balkans Mini-Schengen”, 14 November 2019, https://de.usembassygov/statement-on-western-balkans-mini-schengen/, Преузето 19.8. 2022
44. Virilio, P. (2007). Strategy of deception. London, New York: Verso.
45. Zielonka, J. (2006). Europe as Empire: nature of the Enlarged EU. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
46. Zlatanović, S. (2011). Diskurzivno oblikovanje „drugih“: srpska zajednica jugoistočnog Kosova u posleratnom kontekstu. Glasnik Etnografskog Instituta SANU, LIX(2), 77–97.
47. Žižek, S., Hamza A. (2013). From Myth to Symptom: the case of Kosovo. Prishtinë,: Kolektivi Materializmi Dialektik.